I recently published a blog post on the Identities blog on the Gaza genocide. Read it below or visit the Idenities blog.
The question to be asked is… how long are we going to deny that the cries of the people of Gaza… are directly connected to the policies of the Israeli government and not to the cries of the victims of Nazism? (Edward Said, 1994)
What we are experiencing here in Gaza is not a war, but a genocide… War is between countries that have militaries, weapons, and air forces. War is not waged against 2.3 million civilians who live in an area of 360 square km and have been under siege for more than seventeen years (Ruwaida Amer, 2 November 2023)
A month into the Israeli genocidal attack on Gaza, junior minister Amichai Eliahu called for dropping a nuclear bomb on Gaza, saying “Gaza has to stop existing… (Gazans) cannot live on this earth”. He later retracted, saying it was “only metaphorical.” But genocide is not a metaphor, to borrow from Eve Tuck and Wayne Yang’s essay, “Decolonization is not a metaphor”.
Genocide is a reality. We are witnessing it in the horrible images of death and destruction, of hospitals being ruthlessly bombed, and of Gazans struggling to stay alive amidst huge shortages of water, electricity, food, hospital care and basic necessities. All the while, Israeli commentators call for “flattening Gaza” and annihilating all Gazans, all Palestinians. UN Human Rights Office Director Craig Mokhiber called the Gaza attack “a text-book case of genocide”, adding that “the European, ethno-nationalist, settler colonial project in Palestine has entered its final phase toward the expedited destruction of the last remnants of indigenous Palestine life in Palestine”. The attack was clearly termed genocide by Palestinians and their supporters, although the International Criminal Court Prosecutor Karim Khan has been criticized for failing to issue arrest warrants for Israeli war criminals for committing genocide, a term fiercely denied by Zionists and their supporters across the political divide. I propose that there will be no way back from the clear divide between those who admit that the assault on Gaza is genocidal and those who deny it.
Patrick Wolfe calls the elimination of native societies integral to settler colonialism “structured genocide”. This illustrates the concrete links between the removal of populations from their land and mass killings. Israeli Holocaust historian Raz Segal argues that Israel’s lethal assault on Gaza is a textbook case of genocide. In doing so he refers to both Israel’s explicit intentions to displace Gazans and potentially expel them into Egypt, and the UN Genocide Conventioncriterion: “Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part”.
Yet beyond these definitions, and against its government’s argument that if Israel wanted to commit genocide it would have killed “all Gazans” (which it allegedly chose not to do for “humanitarian reasons”) stands the very word itself. Genocide in Hebrew translates as “the murder of a nation”, retzach am. In contrast, the sociologist Zygmunt Bauman calls genocide “categorial murder”, as people are killed for belonging to a category, not a “nation”. Zionism and the state of Israel racializes and dehumanizes the Palestinians and constructs Jews as a superior race. While denying Palestinian nationhood, Zionist thinking constructs Jews as a nation, although the historical veracity of this has been debunked by scholars such as Israeli historian Shlomo Sand.
Defining genocide entails intentionality and, as Segal shows, the intention to liquidate and deport Gaza’s population and destroy the Strip was clearly stated. Israel’s President supported the attack, stating “there are no innocent civilians in Gaza”; Defence Minister General Yoav Gallant declared “we are fighting against human animals”, announcing a “complete siege” on Gaza; agriculture minister and former Shin Bet head Avi Dichter speaking of the expulsion of the population of the northern Gaza Strip: “we are executing now the Gaza Nakba 2023”; and an IDF rabbi expressed his messianic joy that “the whole country is now ours, including Gaza and Lebanon, with the help of God”. Of the three options listed in an Intelligence Ministry report for “dealing with the Gaza Strip” after the IDF occupies it, the third – expelling the Gaza population (2.2 million men, women, elderly and children) – was the “option most strategically positive and long term for the state of Israel”.
This report thus coldly plans a colossal crime against humanity, detailing the means needed to execute it. This report came days after a paper by the Israeli think tank the Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy argued that the Hamas attack provided a “unique and rare opportunity to evacuate the entire Gaza Strip”. Intentionality, then, has been explicitly stated, despite the absurd claims, in the face of the high number of civilian casualties, that “Israel is not targeting civilians in Gaza”.
More disturbing, because less expected, than Israeli politicians’ and generals’ explicitly stated intentions to “flatten Gaza” and deport its population, is the rush by Zionist human rights lawyers, journalists and academics to criticize anyone who does not condemn Hamas outright.
Human rights lawyer Eitay Mack is generally a relentless opponent of the Israeli international arms trade. Yet he echoes the Israeli Hasbara machine when he writes of “false claims that Israel is committing genocide” and claims that there is no evidence of intent as “civilians in Gaza were killed, not because Israel specifically targets them, but because of the extensive Hamas military infrastructures that are located nearby, inside civilian buildings and in the tunnels beneath them”. Mack’s opinion piece is not a legal document. It is essentially a cherry-picked broadside against the fashionable bogeyman of “the global left”. Another human rights lawyer, Michael Sfard (the grandson of Zygmunt Bauman), goes further, clothing his opposition to the naming of genocide in concern for the human rights of occupied Palestinians. In line with several Israeli human rights organizations, Sfard writes, “it’s not easy for Israelis to think about Gazans’ rights in a week when Hamas committed crimes that are still impossible to digest and our whole society is mourning and crying. But Gaza’s catastrophe won’t wait for the end of our shiva”.
Likewise, journalists writing in the liberal Israeli daily Haaretz lambast “deranged leftists” who, in seeking to contextualize the Hamas attack, justify it as a “legitimate Palestinian act of resistance” (Lilach Wallach), and “sickeningly” presenting Hamas’s Israeli victims as “part of the oppressive Zionist rule over the Palestinian Natives” (Iris La’al). Another Haaretz writer, Ofer Aderet, criticizes Raz Segal’s article on the Gaza genocide, arguing that Segal “does not write history but rather uses his tenured job to further a political agenda… joining other Israeli and former Israeli intellectuals whose behaviour will be judged by history”. Sociologist Eva Illouzattacks “lazy left intellectuals” for insisting on setting the Hamas attack in the context of the Israeli colonization of Palestine, absurdly insisting that the colonial context must be suspended. And Israeli historian David Witztum condemns “Jewish intellectuals in Germany” for a letter protesting the prohibition to demonstrate for Palestine, and opposing Israel’s Gaza attack but not condemning Hamas – the main genocide denial tactic in the Zionists toolkit.
However, the support of global civil society for the Palestinian resistance is growing. Israel will not succeed in eliminating all of Gaza’s population, just as it has not succeeded to do so since 1948, when Plan Dalet was executed with the intent of ethnically cleansing the Palestinian population, resulting in many being herded into the Gaza Strip as refugees. Although Israel enjoys the support of western states in the Islamophobic Global North in carrying out genocide, we will not forget those Israeli “leftists” who refused to see genocide as it was happening in full view.
I was born in Haifa, British-occupied Palestine, and grew up in occupied Palestine, a.k.a. the state of Israel. Throughout my childhood and youth, I have been indoctrinated by the Zionist regime and told to de-humanise Palestinians and regard their country as ‘ours.’ This was done through the education system, everyday discourses, popular songs, literature, youth movement activities, cultural activities, family talk, in short – everything.
A few weeks after the 1967 war, having met a group of members of Matzpen, the Socialist Organisation in Israel – I learnt the truth about Zionist colonisation, imperialism, and racial capitalism, though these were terms I got to know many years later.
Two years after the war I moved to Ireland; I was a late comer to academia and my interest in race and racism led me to understand racism, according to African American abolition scholar Ruthie Wilson Gilmore as “the state-sanctioned or extralegal production and exploitation of group-differentiated vulnerability to premature death.” This, and my work on race and racism in Ireland and elsewhere led me to put race front and centre in thinking and writing about Zionism.
Zionism constructed ‘the Jews’ as racially superior in contrast to the supposed racial inferiority of ‘the Arabs’ (Palestinian is a concept employed by Israelis only much later) – see Zionist leaders such as Theodor Herzl, Max Nordau, Arthur Ruppin, David Ben Gurion, Menachem Begin and members of Netanyahu’s cabinet among others… even though ‘the Jews’ is a construct based on biblical myths and stories, as argued by Israeli historian Shlomo Sand, and Israeli biblical scholar Yigal Bin Nun. Once you see race you cannot unsee it – it is everywhere in Israel’s citizenship and migration regimes, in unequal resource allocations to Israeli Jews and Palestinians (in the fields of education, health, municipal funds, labour market, judicial systems and incarceration, media representation, among other things). Crucially, Zionism is the child of Europe – European (Ashkenazi) Jews racialized not only Palestinians but also Oriental, black and Arab Jews, and non-Jewish, non-white labour migrants and asylum seekers. We see the continued racialisation of the Palestinians by Israel and also by western politicians and media that speak of the Gaza based organisation Hamas as ‘terrorists’, of Palestinian resistance as acts of cruelty and terrorism, and of Israel as victims of ‘Arab violence.’
Haider Eid and Andy Clarno’s (2017) analyze Zionist apartheid as both a racialized and an economic regime; racial capitalism is central to understanding race and the question of Palestine relating to questions of land, labour and resources. Charisse Burden-Stelly (2020) theorizes US racial capitalism as “a racially hierarchical political economy constituting war and militarism, imperialist accumulation, expropriation by domination and labour superexloitation…and permanent war” (cited in Alana Lentin 2021), all key components of the Zionist colonization of Palestine. While Clarno (2017) focuses his analysis of post-apartheid South Africa and post-Oslo Palestine/Israel on the neoliberalization of apartheid, racial capitalism was integral to Zionism since its inception, even though many founding Zionists saw themselves as socialists. The colonization of Palestine involved several aspects of racial capitalism including the judaization of Palestinian lands by the Zionist movement since the early twentieth century, and the segmentation of labour from the Zionist Conquest of (Hebrew) Labour policy (Shafir 1989) to the current reliance on cheap and dispensable Palestinian labour. I would also like to posit Israel’s racialized justice system and prison industrial complex and white European Jewishness as property as further aspects of racial capitalism. As David Lloyd and Patrick Wolfe (2016, 116) write, “to the extent that Israel’s regime in Palestine recapitulates and extends earlier models of settler colonial dispossession and domination, its function as a program for contemporary state forms not only supplies new technologies and practices of regulation and segregation but also highlights the continuities between the logics of settler colonialism and those of the neoliberal state globally” (cited in Turner, forthcoming).
The racialization of land According to Cedric Robinson (1983), racial capitalism is a suitable framework for highlighting central concerns of Indigenous peoples under settler colonialism, as the centrality of land fits with the emphasis in racial capitalism on dispossession, exploitation and extraction. Although the Zionist project was not primarily driven by economic considerations of profit and resource exploitation, Patrick Wolfe (2016) speaks of “purchase by another means” as the modus of Zionist colonization. According to Wolfe (2016, 22), Eurocolonial powers arrived in Native country ex nihilo condensing power and expanding violence, and this pre-formedness, relatively resistant to local determinations, is colonalism’s preaccumulation, which is different from the European experience of primitive accumulation that figures in Eurocentric Marxist historiography. In arriving in Native country, capitalism already contained its own global preaccumulations, such as enslaving Africans in the Americas and purchasing, seizing and depopulating value-added Native land in Palestine. Insisting that “imperialism is not the latest stage of capitalism but its foundational warrant,” Zionism, Wolfe writes, consciously avoided confinement to a single metropolis in favour of a “collective mother country” (Rodinson 1973, 76), purchasing Native land in conformity with the law of the current imperial power. Brenna Bhandar (2018, 2) argues that property law, a crucial mechanism for the colonial accumulation of capital, and racial subjectivity developed in relation to one another, along racial regimes of ownership. Importantly, Wolfe (2016, 211) argues, Zionism’s diffuse metropolis and Jewish land purchases in Palestine were linked in that the former financed the latter. In 1901 the Zionist movement’s main institutional structure, the World Zionist Organization (WZO), founded the Jewish National Fund so as to extend Jewish land ownership in Palestine (Wolfe 2016, 224). Zionist land purchasing strategies attached usufruct – the right to enjoy the use of another’s property – to title, so that (Palestinian) vendors might sell a right that might not have been theirs to sell (Wolfe 2016, 231). The dual aim of the Zionist purchasing methods was “to acquire the greatest amount of land with the smallest number of Palestinians and to concentrate the greatest number of Palestinians onto the smallest amount of land” (Erakat 2015, 85). By 2007 the JNF, a donation-based organization that green-washes its racialized land purchases by having planted millions of trees, built dams and reservoirs, developed many acres of land and established parks and nature reserves, owned 13 per cent of the total land in Israel (About JNF, n.d.), 80 per cent of which is owned by the state and managed by the Israel Land Authority. Half of these lands are controlled by the IDF and the security services (Shiefer and Oren 2008), facilitating the ongoing demolition of Palestinian houses and villages, and the expulsion of Palestinian citizens from their lands (see e.g., Boxerman 2022). Many JNF forests, where European conifers displaced native trees, were used to cover the ruins of depopulated Palestinian villages, making the JNF a key technology of Zionist colonization and racialization (Cohen and Gordon 2018). Key to Israel controlling Palestinian lands is the 1950 Absentee Property Law that enabled the state of Israel via the Custodian of Absentees’ property to take charge of lands, houses, bank accounts and movable properties belonging to Palestinians expelled after 29 November 1947 (Adalah 2017). As most land in Israel is either state- or JNF-owned, a major effect of racial capitalism on Jewish property and Palestinian deprivation is the prohibition of purchasing or leasing land by Palestinian citizens and occupied subjects (Safian 1997).
The segmentation of the labour market As well as founding the Jewish National Fund, the WZO also established the principle of the Conquest of (Hebrew) Labour, in line with the creation of a racialized European “new Jew,” who would differ from both their diasporic antecedent and the Palestinian Native, but also from non-European, non-white Arab and North African Jews (Shafir 1989; Lentin 2000; Lentin 2018). Gershon Shafir (1989, 81) writes that as a response to the self-loathing involving Jews being excluded from European productive industry and agriculture, Zionism and its racial Conquest of Labour policy mirrored European antisemitism. The Conquest of Labour campaign underpinned core Zionist institutions such as the kibbutz and the labour trade union Histadrut, striving for a totally insulated Jewish-only entity that would conduct its affairs as if no Palestinians were around (Wolfe 2016, p. 225). Like the dispossession of Native lands, the Conquest of Labour was central to the colonization of Palestine, and sought to actively dispossess Palestinians of their economic relevance, and to prevent a situation of Zionist dependency on Palestinian labour. Shafir sees the Zionist project as based on a “split labour market” that hurled together, through settlement and incorporation, distinct labour forces, enabling white European Jewish workers to block the labour market to cheaper Palestinian workers. Later on, this strategy was supplemented by the importation of cheap Arab (Mizrahi) Jewish labor (see Ben Dor Benite, forthcoming). When that failed, the Conquest of Labour turned into the conquest of territory, financed by world Jewish capital (Abdo and Yuval Davis 1995, p. 294). The 1967 occupation of Palestinian territory in the West Bank and Gaza Strip required a much larger labour force and resulted in an influx of tens of thousands of Palestinians into the Israeli labour market, increasing the Israeli economic reliance on cheap and dispensable Palestinian labour. However, the Palestinian Intifadas led to the bureaucracy of the occupation’s complex permit regime (Berda 2017) and brought about the importation of a large migrant work force, creating a host of legal and semi-legal, always racialized, complexities (see Kemp and Raijman 2008).
White Jewishness as property The racialization of land purchases and the labour market and the insistence on white European Jewish supremacy links to Noura Erakat’s (2015) analysis of white Jewishness as property. Erakat follows Cheryl Harris’s (1993) work on whiteness as tangible property through three elements, the violence of liberal democracies, the codification of race, and the necessity of a racialized putative “other” that can be easily identified, defined, and captured in legal categories. Erakat reads the value of Jewish nationality and its differentiation through white supremacy that informs Israel’s legal system. Israel’s relation to Palestinians (and to non-European Jews from Arab and African countries) not only led – through instituting a strict racial regime and enacting a series of property laws – to the deprivation of the Palestinians, but has also imbued Jewish nationality with actual value. Legislated by the Law of Return (1950), the Citizenship Law (1952) and the Nation State Law (2018), whiteness, or European Jewishness as property meant, Erakat (2015, 83-4) argues, that the Palestinian native was beyond the legal category of Jewish national and had to be removed, dispossessed and/or contained. In the establishment of the Israeli state, its European founders both reified European supremacy and ascribed new value onto Jewish nationality relative to the Arab other. Israel consecrated the value of Jewish nationality in a series of laws that serve as a gateway to basic services, land, housing, education, and employment. In particular, whiteness as property bifurcated Israeli citizenship from Jewish nationality in order to privilege the Jewish person within and beyond the State. Codified by race, the effects of white Jewishness as property are apparent in the occupied West Bank where Israeli settlements are fortified, Jewish-only housing complexes built on Palestinian land in violation of international law. Between 600,000 and 750,000 Israeli settlers live in at least 250 illegal settlements in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem (Al Jazeera 2022)in contravention of international law that considers the transfer of an occupied population by the occupying state into the occupied territory a war crime (Sfard 2023). Jewish settlers often attack Palestinian residents with impunity and under the watch of the Israeli military, preventing them from herding their flock, working their farms and going about their business. The effects of white Jewish supremacy are also evident in the continual demolition of Palestinian homes and schools in the occupied West Bank, and of Bedouin villages, deemed “unrecognized” even though the Bedouin are Israeli citizens, whose Indigenous rights are often not honoured by the courts (Zonshein 2015; see Assi forthcoming), as well as in the paucity of building permits granted to Jerusalem’s Palestinian residents (see e.g., Hasson 2015; UNRWA n.d.). Securitization and the Zionist prison industrial complex Eid and Clarno (2017) argue that neoliberal apartheid regimes like Israel depend on advanced strategies of securitization to maintain power. Israel exercises sovereignty over the Occupied Palestinian Territory through military deployments, electronic surveillance, imprisonment, interrogations, and torture. The state has also produced a fragmented geography of isolated Palestinian enclosures surrounded by walls and checkpoints and managed through closures, permits and segregated roads. And Israeli companies take the lead in globally marketing battle tested weapons and advanced security equipment by developing and testing high-tech devices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and the besieged Gaza Strip (for detailed discussions see Halper 2015; Loewenstein 2023; Turner forthcoming). The most important addition to Israel’s security regime, Eid and Clarno argue, is a network of security forces facilitated by the US and the EU, supported by Jordan and Egypt, and operated through coordinated deployments of Israeli and Palestinian Authority security forces. Like other settler colonial regimes, Israel operates walled enclosures, and racialized policing strategies. Racial capitalism is also relevant to theorizing the Zionist justice and carceral systems according to which Palestinians and Israelis are judged and incarcerated in separate legal and prison regimes. Ruth Wilson Gilmore links the “prison industrial complex” and racial capitalism, defining racism as “the state-sanctioned or extralegal production and exploitation of group-differentiated vulnerability to premature death” (Gilmore 2002, 261). Racism, Gilmore argues, is “organized abandonment” by both the state and capitalism, working together to raise racial barriers that create group-differentiated vulnerability. The term “prison industrial complex”, according to Angela Davis (2003), explains relationships of profit involved in imprisoning large numbers of people by providing buildings, goods and services that benefit large sectors of society involved in the security and prison industries. Since its establishment Israel has imprisoned hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and since 1967 more than 800,000 Palestinians from the occupied territory were imprisoned inside Israel, illegal under international law (Adameer 2016). In 2023 a total of 4,900 Palestinians were imprisoned, including 155 children, 32 women, and 1014 administrative detainees held without charge or trial (Adameer 2023). Since 1967, Israel has operated two separate legal systems; in the occupied West Bank, Israeli settlers are subject to Israel’s civilian legal system whereas Palestinians live under military law. The dual legal system offers no semblance of justice and the military court’s conviction rate is higher than 99 per cent, with between 500 and 700 children tried in these courts each year (Quzmar n.d.). According to Adameer, economic exploitation is a key facet to entrenching Israel’s military occupation and administering its colonial regime to control, exploit and quell rebellion. Thus Palestinian families whose homes are given demolition orders are required to pay for the demolition; the family of an extrajudicial executed Palestinian is required to pay bail in order to have their body returned for burial; the military courts regularly impose severe fines on Palestinian prisoners for the sake of unfairly punishing and pressuring their families economically, another way of deriving financial profit from their incarceration: in 2016 alone, fines amounted to an average of half a million shekels ($145,000) per prisoner. Oftentimes, fines are imposed if a prisoner refuses to be strip searched or if they protest against poor living conditions inside prison (Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor 2017). In this regard, the colonial judicial system is another central building block in the systematic racialization and economic exploitation of the Palestinians.
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